A review of all the ALP reform reviews since 1964 by David Barda. He writes: “Since 1964 Labor has commissioned eight or nine party reviews, depending on how you count them. I’ve read them all so that you don’t have to.” Since writing those words, we now also have the 2020 Bracks-Macklin review.
David’s original article was written following the 2020 Somyurek branch stacking allegation (see Labor has a significant problem, says Premier Daniel Andrews.) Open Labor will try to update this article over time following David’s article structure.
The Bracks-Macklin review was the most recent in a long history of ALP reviews. As a reforming party, we have always had a healthy capacity for self-reflection. It is worth remembering that, despite the cynicism that sometimes accompanies these reviews, our capacity to acknowledge our failings and renew our party to make is a strength and puts us in stark contrast to our opponents.
Titans of the party from Bob Hawke, Bill Hayden, Neville Wran, John Faulkner, Mark Dreyfus and now Steve Bracks and Jenny Macklin have all tried their hands at party reform.
We thought it might be useful to look back on the reviews to see what they had to say.
ALP membership
The party has been sounding the alarm over low levels of membership since the 1960s. Early on, there was a hope that the Labor membership would represent a sizeable portion of the Labor vote. Today, as the membership falls further, we come to terms with what it means to be a party with far fewer members than the average AFL football club:
‘The individual party membership is appalling. Our membership in relation to our vote is less than one per cent! Some electorates have a pitiful handful of devoted stalwarts to keep the party alive. As our electorate vote grows, so our membership lessens.‘ Wyndham Report 1964, 64
‘[Labor’s] poor record is partly due to the relatively small size of its membership.‘ Hawke Hayden 1979, 4
‘How we get new members to join the party is probably the most difficult problem we face…if the party membership falls below a critical mass or becomes unrepresentative, then it will not find the stimulation or capacity for… effective political representation.‘ Hogg, 1990 pg 22
‘…about half of the membership is concentrated in seven of the 37 Federal electorates, and that in eleven Federal electorates the Party has less than 200 members. The effect of low Party membership is to lessen effective contact with the community…‘. Dreyfus 1998 pg 31
‘The Party continues to haemorrhage members. In NSW alone, more than 100 branches have closed in the last ten years. The Labor Party now faces a crisis in membership.‘ Bracks, Faulkner, Carr 2010 4.4
‘The overall number of members has increased by just 10% whereas the population of Victoria has increased by 41% over the same period.‘ Bracks, Macklin Discussion Paper 2020 19
Reforms that were taken up
- Affirmative action for women in party processes (Hawke Hayden 1979)
- Direct election of National President and Vice President (Bracks, Faulkner, Carr 2010)
Reforms that were left on the shelf
- The party establish a recruitment unit staffed by professionals with recruitment expertise (Dreyfus 1998)
- An amnesty for members who have left the party (Bracks, Faulkner, Carr 2010)
- An outreach organisation aimed at recruitment and engagement with progressive Australia (Bracks, Faulkner, Carr 2010)
ALP local branch reform
It seems as though branch meetings have always ‘ill lit and shabby’. Boring meetings, formal agendas and standing orders have irked members now for almost half a century.
‘Too many branches meet in ill-lit, shabby and depressing surroundings. Too much time is wasted on routine matters, Standing Orders are so restrictive and so slavishly followed that a strong heart is needed to remain.‘ Wyndham Report 1964
‘The branches failed to secure potential recruits, the concentration on local fundraising seemed obsessive and questionable…community impact seems non-existent at election time…and there seemed to be a general failure to provide an ongoing source of involvement and a worthwhile level of activity.‘ Hawke Hayden 1979
‘Some Party members find branch meetings interesting and fulfilling, partly because some branches offer a range of activities for members at meetings, and work at making meetings interesting. But just as many Party members find branch meetings boring and a waste of time.‘ Dreyfus 1998
‘Branch meetings are no longer seen as stimulating enough to entice members to attend after a day at work…meetings are perceived as excessively formal, procedure driven and ridged.‘ Hawke, Wran, 2002
‘Labor’s ability to form government and implement its reform program has always been based on the strength of its organisation. Labor’s model of branch organisation was adopted by many political parties here and abroad, including the Liberal Party’s predecessor, the Nationalist Party. Our structure has served us well over a long period of time. Labor has always had a stronger connection directly into the community and the workplace than our opponents. Our local level organisation provides us with the eyes and ears to listen to the concerns of everyday Australians.‘ Bracks, Faulkner, Carr 2010
Reforms that were taken up
- The party adopt a ‘community organising model’ (Bracks, Faulkner Carr 2020). That was taken up in Victoria through the Community Action Network.
Reforms that were left on the shelf
- Consolidation of branches (Hawke, Wran 2002)
- Online branches (Hawke, Wran 2002)
- ‘Associate’ membership class (Hawke, Wran 2002)
- A central policy branch (Bracks, Faulkner, Carr 2010)
- Branch correspondence not responded to within three months be included in the National Executive agenda papers (Bracks, Faulkner, Carr 2010)
ALP branch stacking
Branch stacking isn’t mentioned in the earlier reviews, perhaps because the party had not yet democratised. With greater democracy and power for members came nefarious branch stackers who sought to manipulate the branches for their own benefit. For a brief period in 2010 we thought we might have got on top of stacking. The more recent allegations show how wrong we were.
‘[the review was] ‘in part based on the concerns of some Party members about intensification of factional activity, allegations of “branch stacking” activities…‘ Dreyfus 1998
‘It is an indication of an over-intensification of factional activity that the recruitment of new members into particular branches is viewed with suspicion: in a fully functioning Party, recruitment should always be welcomed.‘ Dreyfus 1998
[branch members] ‘raised concerns over branch stacking, and the cancerous effect this activity has on the democratic traditions that have been the strength of our party.‘ Hawke, Wran 2002
‘The Review Committee was struck by evidence from state and territory officials of the Party, that while the practice of ‘branch stacking’ has been largely curtailed by the reforms of the late 1990s and 2000s, a new practice of ‘branch stripping’ has arisen in its place whereby branches are discouraged from recruiting members and having them participate in the affairs of the local area. This allows individuals to then exert greater influence over the outcome of ballots and contests for positions.’ Bracks, Faulkner, Carr 2010
‘Since the 1990s, there have been multiple enquiries into the scourge of branch stacking and attempts at reform. But stacking has continued, and continued to undermine the integrity and public standing of the Australian Labor Party.‘ Bracks, Macklin Discussion Paper 2020
Reforms that were taken up
- Anti-branch stacking pledge (Dreyfus 1998)
- Annual renewals (Dreyfus 1998)
- A process to petition the party to investigate branch stacking (Hawke, Wran 2002)
Reforms that were left on the shelf
- A tiered system of party primaries which allow Labor supporters to vote in preselection ballots (Bracks, Faulkner, Carr 2010).
[Anti-stacking reforms following the 20020-21 Bracks and Macklin Administrators Report into Victorian Labor Update notes added by editor, Open Labor October 2021:
- cash and non-traceable means membership payments banned
- membership payments solely by personal traceable means
- renewals through third parties and branches banned
- to qualify for voting rights new members must wait for two years after attending their State Electorate Branch signing the attendance book and presenting photo ID
- joining the party through branches to be discontinued
- independent Party Monitor to oversee investigations of branch stacking rather than the Admin Committee
- Disputes Tribunal members with legal qualifications
- membership payments by direct debit for personal bank account
- photo ID required with membership applications.]
ALP representation of women
Since the days of male dominated trade union meetings (the average unionist is now a female nurse in her 50s) the ALP has been concerned with the proper representation of women within the party. While the party could always do more, the relative success of our affirmative action policies along with the fact that our ‘average’ Labor voter is now female speak to the party’s success at engaging with women over the last half century.
‘The Federal Labor Women’s Organisation is at present a rather insipid body. Its powers are limited and when it takes decisions, no one takes any notice of them. Either the party should have an effective women’s organisation which is allowed to play a useful and influential role, or it should have none at all. The party dare not ignore the women’s vote in in future elections. Therefore, steps must be taken to improve the standing of the Labor Women’s Organisation.‘ Wyndham Report 1964
‘Women were identified as the group most neglected by the ALP and it was frequently alleged that the image and attitudes of the ALP had little appeal for women.‘ Hawke, Hayden 1979
‘How we get new members to join the party is probably the most difficult problem we face…if the party membership falls below a critical mass or becomes unrepresentative, then it will not find the stimulation or capacity for… effective political representation.‘ Hogg 1990
‘A further opportunity to re-engage with the community will come from the Labor Women’s Network initiative. The Labor Women’s Network was established at the 1998 ALP National Conference, and offers a model that can take the Party into the community, by inviting and encouraging women to participate in the political process, within a flexible network structure.‘ Dreyfus 1998
ALP reforms that were taken up
- Affirmative action for women for party officer positions (Hawke Hayden 1979)
- Labor Women’s Network added to the National Rules (Hawke, Wran 2002)
ALP factions
While factions will always exist as long as like minded people work together to elect their candidates and advance their policy agenda, there is no doubt that the perception of factional domination has alienated many rank and file members over many years:
[Labor’s] poor record is partly due to the parochial horizons of too many Labor chieftains. Hawke Hayden 1979
‘There needs to be a change in the culture of the organisation, to create a culture in which the interests of the Party as a whole are always put ahead of factional interests, in which temporary majorities of voting power in Party ballots are used for the long term advancement of the Party’s interests and not for short term factional advantage.‘ Dreyfus 1998
‘The greatest concern among the rank and file is the level and nature of factionalism in the Party and the detrimental effect this has on internal democratic processes.‘ Hawke, Wran 2002
“While we continue to allow the factional carve up of positions and decisions are taken on faction grounds, people will continue to be turned off.” – Member, Tasmania. Bracks, Faulkner, Carr 2010
“At the state level and as a delegate to conference, I feel like I am expected to be a mere rubber stamp and that we are not valued as informed voices.” – Member, Brisbane. Bracks, Faulkner, Carr 2010
‘The role of factions features prominently in the responses and branch stacking was broadly linked by many to factionalism. Many members believed that factions did more harm than good and expressed concern in respect of both the secrecy that surrounds factional groups an the power that these groups wield. Members were aware of the stabilising role factional played historically, however, most believed that the current state of factional represented a significant problem that needed to be addressed.‘ Bracks, Macklin, Discussion paper 2020
The ALP and the trade unions
Trade unions have always been a cornerstone of the ALP. Yet the appropriate role for unions within the party has been a vexed issue since the 1970s.
‘The party alienates many unionists by assuming they think the same way as they did twenty years ago. References to ‘workers’, the ‘working class’ and the ‘underprivileged’ are just so much meaningless and sometimes offensive jargon in a modern society.‘ Wyndham Report 1964
‘The issue of the traditional links between the ALP and the trade unions constituted a problem of considerable magnitude…it is also an exceedingly vexed issue. These links have remained formally little altered over time, despite the shift from a provincial to a national society, the revolutions in communications, the great changes in the nature and composition of the workforce and transformation of the trade union movement itself. Yet the unions affiliated with the ALP today are basically the same as those affiliated in the first decade of the century.‘ Hawke Hayden 1979
‘The increasing concentration of power, in the decreasing number of unions, as a result of their desirable restructuring, is likely to compound the problem of lessening open dialog.‘ Hogg, 1990
‘The usual rationale advanced for reducing the State conference representation of affiliated unions was that it would improve the Party’s electoral prospects, or that it would allow branch members a greater role in Party deliberations and policy formulation. The basis for suggesting that reducing the union delegation would make the ALP more electable is said to be that it would, at least symbolically, reflect an equal partnership between the unions and branch members and reduce a public perception of a union majority and which delivers “control” of the Branch.
As far as I can determine the only reason for altering the 60:40 ratio is the perceived symbolism of introducing an equal ratio. The reality of union participation in the Branch is that union delegates to State Conference, and union representatives in other Party forums and bodies, do not vote as a union bloc or seek to impose a combined “union position” on the Party. Branch members already dominate Party deliberations and policy formulation, and reducing the union representation to 50% would have little or no effect on Party activity. But if altering the ratio makes the Party more electable it must be further considered.’ Dreyfus 1998
The union movement has undergone a period of profound change over the last 15 years. Australian unions have ‘modernised’ at a time when the Party has not. Confronting declining membership levels and the election of the Howard Government, Australian unions from 1996 embraced what became known as the ‘organising model’ over traditional union servicing of members. This organising model restored the democratic role of members within union structures, sought to develop campaigns from the bottom-up, and looked to broader alliances outside of the workplace to build success. It also embraced the need to grow union membership as the fundamental challenge facing the movement. The Australian Labor Party could learn from this experience and the types of organisational and cultural changes it has driven. Bracks, Faulkner Carr 2010
ALP reforms that were taken up
- A committee to consider whether a change in union representation is warranted (Dreyfus 1998)
- Active encouragement and a discounted membership fee for union members (Dreyfus 1998)
- A 50/50 representation of unions at State Conference (Hawke, Wran 2002)
- Union delegate entitlements determined by a ‘snapshot’ of members (Hawke Hayden 2002)
ALP reforms that were left on the shelf
- The party establish a recruitment unit staffed by professionals with recruitment expertise (Dreyfus 1998)
Download all the ALP reform reviews & one discussion paper
- C.S.Wyndham 1964: Australian Labor Party Re-organisation. Recommendations of the General Secretary [21 pages]
- R.J.L.Hawke, W.G.Hayden March 1979: Australian Labor Party National Committee of Inquiry – Report and recommendations to the National Executive [50 pages]
- B.Hogg December 1990: Review and Recommendations on the Reform of the Party’s Organisation [60 pages]
- C.Maxwell October 1996: The Process of Policy Development: The Role of Policy Committees and State Conference – Report to Agenda Committee [23 pages]
- M.Dreyfus December 1998: Australian Labor Party Victorian Branch – Panel of Review [46 pages]
- R.J.L.Hawke, N.W.Wran August 2002: National Committee of review Report 2002 [32 pages]
- A.Giles, N.Carroll, S.Zwalf October 2009: Final report of the Special Purpose Membership Review and Audit Committee [29 pages]
- S.Bracks J.Faulkner, B.Carr February 2011: 2010 National Review: Report to the ALP National Executive [33 pages]
- T.Hammond, S.Bowers, D.Smith June 2014: Shaping Labor 2014 and Beyond – Three strong Pillars (WA Labor) [47 pages]
- S.Bracks, J Macklin November 2020: The Administrator’s Final Report to the National Executive of the Australian Labor Party [56 pages]
Related reading
The ALP must repair trust between leadership & members – by James Button, Open Labor, Oct 2020
Macklin-Bracks: reforms to Victorian Labor explained – by Eric Dearricott, Open Labor, 2 Feb 2021
Macklin-Bracks ALP reform discussion paper ideas & options for members to consider – by Eric Dearricott, Open Labor, Oct 2020
Labor democracy: why ALP reform matters – speech by Mark Butler, 22 Jan 2018
The democratic crisis: Whatever happened to courage, principle, commitment, accountability? – by Barry Jones, Pearls & Irritations, 29 Sept 2021, An edited extract of Barry Jones’ inaugural Jean McLean Oration delivered at Victoria University 15 Sept 2021,
At the time of writing David Barda was a Senior Associate at Slater and Gordon Lawyers. He was an ALP staffer during the Rudd-Gillard Governments and has worked for British Labour Leader Keir Starmer MP and on the 2012 Obama campaign.
Oz says
Direct election of a component of National Conference was adopted, it wasn’t left on the shelf.
The National Rules (32bi) states that “the delegates from each state must include a number of delegates directly elected by the financial members of the state branch that is at least equal to the number of House of Representative electorates in that state as at the previous 31 December.”
Some of the other proposals such as online branches, ‘associate’ membership classes and a central policy branch have also been adopted in other states such as NSW and the ACT with mixed levels of success.
David says
Hi Oz, you’re right. I think when I was writing it I had meant it was left on the shelf after the Hawke Wran Review, and then Bracks Faulkner Carr made a point of the fact that it wasn’t adopted. I will arrange to fix that up.
Rosie Elliott says
From the Editor: OK all, very good pick up there. The article is now updated and the PDF adjusted accordingly.